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Newfoundland Landfall Argument
There is no doubt that great passions have been aroused in
Newfoundland about the question of Cabot's landfall. The
strongest local tradition is that he reached Cape Bonavista, with
less attention given to his subsequent coasting. The notion goes
back at least to the map of Newfoundland prepared by Captain John
Mason in about 1617 and published in several editions.
John Mason's map of Newfoundland, ca. 1617.
In 1616, Mason was appointed Governor of the English colony at Cupids Cove (Cuperts Cove on the map), Conception Bay. Mason was the first Englishman to draw a map of Newfoundland. Old maps like this one were often inverted in the orientation and drawn with North situated at the bottom of the map.
Courtesy of the Centre for Newfoundland Studies Archives, Memorial University of Newfoundland Library, St. John's, Newfoundland.
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This map contains many familiar place names on the English Shore. Over
Cape Bonavista, called 'North Faulkland', is marked
'Bona Vista Caboto primum reperta'. Many believe that
Mason, who was governor of the London and Bristol Company in
Newfoundland for three and a half years, obtained information
from an older chart now lost, or from West Country fishermen.
Since this is the sole historical document to support a Bonavista
landfall, it must he backed by the belief that some of the
fishermen who knew Mason also knew the sons or grandsons of those
who sailed with Cabot. As counterpoint, it could he claimed that
Mason, and perhaps his informants too, adopted the Bonavista
theory simply because they themselves took that place for their
point of arrival and departure over the years.
To champion Bonavista as the landfall is sound enough.
However, if the argument in support is sustained by latitude
sailing from the mouth of the Bristol Channel, encountering those
natural forces - currents and magnetic variation - which many
scholars have suggested would tend to make Cabot's course swerve
southwards. This is, in general, the line of argument taken by
Fabian O'Dea in the most convincing modern article supporting the
Bonavista landfall (O'Dea, 1988). He thinks it probable that
Cabot sailed west from Fastnet, and was then carried south by the
Labrador Current as he approached North America, a point in the
voyage when he also encountered a storm. Thus Bonavista emerges
as a realistic landfall.
Another Newfoundlander who supported Bonavista, W. A. Munn,
suggested that Mason deliberately placed the Cabot discovery
claim over the cape in Latin because he wanted every map-maker in
Spain, Portugal, France or Italy to understand the meaning
correctly; and he saw an immediate response, in that a French map
by Du Pont of Dieppe (1625) called Cape Bonavista 'Primum
Inventa'(first named). Munn scathingly dismissed the Cape
Breton theorists, going so far as to claim that they had created
a resentment from Newfoundlanders that Canadians have
over-stepped the bounds of courtesy by asserting what they cannot
prove (Munn, 1936). O'Dea follows Munn in criticising the
arguments in favour of Cape Breton, though less strenuously.
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The routes argued by English and Munn.
Illustration by Duleepa Wijayawardhana, 1997.
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But with Bonavista as the landfall, one must still plot the
coasting voyage. Munn argued that because Cabot was sailing west,
he would have gone northwest, via the Northern Peninsula to
southern Labrador and home. Munn was preoccupied with La Cosa,
and located the cape at the fifth flag, the Cape of England, in
Labrador. More recently, L.E.F. English considered that most of
La Cosa's flag-waving coast was a representation of the east
coast of Newfoundland, and brought Cabot to the Avalon Peninsula.
Baccalieu Island was Cabot's Isle of St. John, or even the
south-eastern portion of the Avalon, because coming south into
Conception Bay this appears as an island. Not wholeheartedly for
Bonavista, English brought Cabot through the Narrows: There is a
tradition that John Cabot entered the harbour of St. John's on
the evening of June 24th (English, 1962). O'Dea agreed that Cabot
would have sailed south. However, the route that best fits the
evidence, he thinks, has Cabot rounding Cape Race and possibly
reaching Cape Breton, where he turned hack to explore the coast
more thoroughly.
Mappa Mundi by Juan de la Cosa, ca. 1500.
La Cosa, a Spanish Basque pilot and cosmographer, drew this map shortly after 1500. As owner of the Santa Maria, the vessel that Chrisopher Columbus took to America in 1492, la Cosa accompanied Columbus on his first two voyages. He then continued to survey the American coast until 1504.
From W. P. Cumming, R. A. Skelton and D. B. Quinn, The Discovery of North America (Montreal: McClelland and Stewart Limited, ©1971) 36. Courtesy of Museo Naval de Madrid, Madrid.
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One further map, neglected by many landfall theorists, is
Gastaldi's of 1556. This still showed Newfoundland and Labrador
as the familiar series of islands they were to remain (with
certain exceptions) during much of the first century after
discovery. He illustrated Indians, birds of prey, and fishing
activities but most interesting of all, is a tall cross located
north of Cape Race and 'C.de Speranza' but south of
'Bacalaos' and 'Bona Vista, on the east,
Atlantic-facing coast.
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Gastaldi map.
Drawn in 1556, discovered in 1850.
Courtesy of the Centre for Newfoundland Studies Archives, Memorial University of Newfoundland Library, St. John's, Newfoundland.
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This led E.G.R. Taylor to suggest that
Cabot's only landing was at the southern tip of the Avalon
Peninsula, with a departure for home from Cape Bauld (Taylor,
1963).
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The Talyor Newfoundland landfall argument.
Illustration by Duleepa Wijayawardhana, 1997.
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It is unlikely that we will ever know with absolute certainty
where Cabot made his landfall, and where he sailed afterwards.
The direct evidence is too scanty and, as we have seen, can be
used to make a case for a southern landfall, in Cape Breton or
further south; for a landfall in the area of the Straits of Belle
Isle; and for an eastern landfall, at Cape Bonavista or a point
on the Avalon Peninsula. All we can deal with is likelihoods,
adding to the documentary evidence modern knowledge of the sea,
and of Cabot's navigational methods. Taking everything into
consideration, however, we know that Cabot coasted for about a
month after his arrival, that he found most of the land on the
way back to England, and that he was rewarded for finding the new
isle . This was the great discovery of 1497. It absorbed most of
Cabot's attention, and its extent was confirmed by coasting which
ended so far to the east, that it made possible an open ocean
return to Europe in a very short time. With all this in mind, a
northern landfall followed by a coasting voyage which proved the
extent of the great island by an anticlockwise
near-circumnavigation seems, in the present state of knowledge,
to be the most likely solution.
In spite of the alternatives, in Newfoundland the Bonavista
tradition is deeply ingrained. One who did as much as anybody to
remind Newfoundlanders of their Cabot heritage was judge D W.
Prowse. His History (1895) ended by calling up the legend as told
on the Peninsula itself: 'On the morning of the 24th June
1897 four hundred years will have rolled away since John Cabot
first sighted the green Cape of Bonavista; four centuries will
have elapsed since the stem of the Matthews boat grated on the
gravelly shore of Keels, and since King's Cove witnessed the
setting up of the Royal Ensign...'. It is now 500 years on
and it is ironic, perhaps, that we know more about Jacques
Cartier s arrival on the other side of the Bonavista Peninsula in
1534.
Where you think Cabot sighted Newfoundland depends on where
you start from: 'Consider the perennial controversy that
surrounds John Cabot', wrote Theodore Layng, 'no one in
this day and age will think it is a matter of great importance to
know exactly his route to Canada or where he landed, but when all
the pieces of the puzzle are laid out for inspection, it is a
good mental exercise, and good fun, to attempt an
answer'(Layng, 1963).
©1997, Newfoundland and Labrador Heritage Web Site Project

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