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Company and Revillon Brothers at Fort Chimo, and on the shore of Ungava Bay $998.96; in 1915, 138 Indians received through the posts at Chimo, Whale River and George River, $1183.06. In 1916, the amounts distributed through the Hudson's Bay Posts at Chimo and George River and the Revillon Brothers reached a total of $3037.08. In presenting the bills for this year the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company was moved to remark “ Fort Chimo is gradually becoming the dumping ground for all the infirm and sick in northern Ungava; every year the Northern Esquimaux and Nascopie Indians bring in additions to the large number already there.”
But the grants made through these northern posts in 1916 were greatly exceeded for the years 1919, 1920 and 1921, the amounts being $3293.48 ; $4803.37 and $6319.58 respectively. There was, also, an addition to the distributing points in this northern area. The Hudson's Bay Company's agents at Port Burwell, on the extreme north east coast of Ungava Bay ; at Whale River, and Leaf river, near the points where these rivers enter the southern shore of the same bay, and at Stupart's Bay on Hudson's Straits, all act as distributers of relief to the Naskapis and Esquimaux in the upper parts of the peninsula.
That none of the Indians of the interior of the Labrador peninsula might suffer from want so far as it was in the power of the Canadian Government to prevent it, distributions were made at two points in the interior north of Lake Melville, and at two others immediately on the Atlantic coast of Labrador.
The accounts for 1915 show that 26 Indians received relief from the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company and the Revillon Brothers at North West River, amounting to $290.33. North West River empties into Lake Melville on its northern side. Here are met the Naskapis from the Ungava Basin and Montagnais some of whom dwell in the neighbourhood of Lake Melville, while others come up from the Gulf of St. Lawrence posts, and sojourn here until the time for returning to the Gulf arrives. Accounts from these posts appear each year, that of 1920 amounting to $1202.40. In 1908, the Hudson's Bay Company's agent at Fort McKenzie, a post far up the Koksoak river, and in the centre of the Naskapi country, sent in an account for $90.98 for relief distributed by him. His account for 1920 was for $691.04 distributed among 80 Indians ; and in 1921, 7 Indians received $508.70 from the same source.
From the Atlantic coast of Labrador, came in 1901 a small account for $5.95 presented by the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company at Davis Inlet for assistance rendered by him to one or more Indians (the number does not appear in the account). It was paid by the Department of Indian Affairs. Nothing more was heard from this post until 1909, when another account was received. This time the number of persons to whom supplies were given by this agent on Canadian account was 94, and the amount charged was $376.92. In the years 1912, 1914 and 1915, further accounts were sent to the Department from the same source—in 1912 for $690.10 furnished in supplies to 14 Indians ; in 1914, 15 Indians were relieved at a cost of $210.10; and in 1915, 27 Indians received goods to the amount of $593.57.

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As regards the other point on the Atlantic coast, the Department of Indian Affairs received a letter from Mr. Richard White, who resides at Tessiujaksoak, a point on the coast between the Moravian Settlements at Zoar and Nain, stating that he had issued relief supplies to 23 Naskapi Indians of the Canadian Labrador, and presenting an account for the same which amounted to $110.70. Since that time, accounts for supplies of the same nature have been received from Mr. White every year, and paid by the Department. In 1916, $281.73 was paid for supplies given to 18 Indians; in 1917, $215.00 for supplies to 9 Indians; in 1918, $287.75 for the relief of 26 Indians; in 1919, for $114.10 for 31 Indians; in 1920, $448.80 for 81 Indians; in 1921 for $437.95 for 59 Indians; and in 1922 for $393.85 for 76 Indians.
The very considerable proportions that the supplies issued from the posts on Ungava Bay, Hudson's Straits, the interior of the Labrador and the Atlantic Ocean bears to the total amount of the relief granted to the Indians of the Labrador peninsula will be seen from a view of the figures furnished with the accounts. In 1921, the total amount paid by the Department of Indian Affairs for relief to these Indians was $31,821.76—$24,870.73 at the Gulf posts, $6,951.03 at the others. That is, nearly 22% of the total outlay was expended at posts in the upper parts of the peninsula, in the regions where 20 the Naskapis dwell.
The following analysis of the accounts for 1921, the last complete year, will show the several forms which the paternal care of the Canadian Government takes, in its relations with the Indians of the Labrador Peninsula.

Dr. C. A. McDougall, Seven islands
Med. Attendance
Dr. W. Duff, Mingan
Med. Attendance
Dr. A. W. Powers, Bersimis
Medicine and Vaccine
Salary of Agent at Minigan
Expenses at agencies (Repairs and Fuel)
Travelling expenses of officials
Repairs to Widows' houses
Fisheries (supplies and advances)
Hunting advances
Relief at Posts on St. Lawrence
” other posts

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There is no evidence to show that the Newfoundland Government granted any relief to the Indians of Labrador. Indeed the evidence points conclusively in the opposite direction. As the agents of the Hudson's Bay Company distributed relief for both the Canadian and Newfoundland governments, the correspondence of these agents shows clearly to what classes the reliefs were granted by the respective governments.
In a letter describing the trade at the several posts in the Esquimaux Bay district, the agent at Rigolet says:—

“The Newfoundland Government was again compelled to come to the assistance of the population (Esquimaux and Planters) along the whole seaboard as otherwise the destitution and suffering would have been most frightful.” (Letter Book of Rigolet Post, pp. 361-371.)
In his report to the Commissioner of the Hudson's Bay Company at Winnipeg dated January 5, 1899, the agent at Rigolet states:—
“I caused provisions (flour, tea, molasses, only) and in a few cases, a little ammunition to be issued from time to time at Rigolet, Cartwright and Davis Inlet to such people—planters, Esquimaux—as were known to be in a destitute condition, and who had no means of supporting themselves and their families. Such relief at Rigolet amount to $305.85
At Cartwright
At Davis Inlet

The above accounts were forwarded to Messrs. Robert Prowse & Sons, St. John's, for collection, and I am informed by them were duly paid.”
In his report for the following year dated January 15, 1899, the agent at Rigolet says:—
“ During the last winter and spring in accordance with instructions from the Newfoundland Government, I caused to be issued to destitute planters and Esquimaux, provisions and a little ammunition to the following amounts:—
At Rigolet
At Cartwright
At Davis Inlet

The accounts were forwarded to Messrs. Robert Prowse & Sons, St. John's for collection, on 3rd August, and were duly paid, Mr. Prowse remarking that the Government were well pleased with the management of this matter.”
Nowhere is there an indication that any of the relief granted by the

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Newfoundland Government was intended for, or reached, starving Indians. Indeed, three letters from the Agent of the Hudson's Bay Company at Rigolet to the Agents of the Company at Davis Inlet, Cartwright and Northwest River, dated July, 1899, establish beyond question the fact that, when relief was given to distressed Indians, it was the Canadian and not the Newfoundland Government that supplied the means.1
On the position in which the Montagnais Indians consider themselves to stand towards the Sovereign of the British Empire, the following incident told to Abbé V. A. Huard during a visit to Betsiamis, and related by him in his volume “ Labrador et Anticosti,” throws much light.
“ Although living in isolation, each family by itself, during so great a portion of the year, the Montagnais have nevertheless a certain autonomous civil organization. It would be much too savage to have none at all. Each tribe has its chief, who exercises the sovereign power under the sanction of the Canadian Government, and, rather more remotely, of the Crown of England. Father Durocher, one of the Oblates, who formerly labored in the Montagnais missions, once obtained from the Government four or five large silver medals, which were distributed to the chiefs of the several tribes. It is the emblem of their authority, and it is nearly all they possess by way of sovereignty. It is not that the people themselves settle important public affairs, as was the case in certain ancient republics. Let it be admitted: among these natives, there are no affairs to settle. The very objects for which a government exists were almost entirely absent. Such is the state of decadence into which a race may fall! There are not even clearly defined rules for the transmission of the supreme dignity, when the death of one of these potentates comes to pass; for they are not less subject to death than their colleagues, emperors, czars, or any monarchs whatsoever. Their power is not hereditary, and, in order to replace them—so far as that is possible—there is held, amid formalities which depend much upon circumstances, an election of a new chief, to whom is delivered as a substitute for enthronement, the large medal emblem of sovereignty.” 2
The statement respecting the donation of the medals is fully borne out by the records of the transaction in the Department of Indian Affairs.
On October 1, 1853, the Reverend C. F. Cazeau, Vicar General, wrote to the Department reminding them of the request made by Father Durocher that three medals bearing the effigy of the Queen be donated to three Chiefs of the Montagnais Nation—John Baptiste Estlo, Thomas Colard, and Louis Bacon, Senior. The Department approving, the three medals were sent to Father Cazeau on October 29. In his letter of transmittal, Colonel Bruce, Superintendent General of Indian Affairs desired Father Cazeau to request Father Durocher “ to impress upon the Chiefs the high honor conferred and the paramount obligation it imposes on them to exhibit on all occasions unhesitating loyalty and obedience to their Sovereign and to offer an example of industry and of a moral and religious demeanour to the other members of the tribe.”

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Father Cazeau informed Colonel Bruce that he had carried out this request, and had sent a copy of Colonel Bruce's letter to Father Durocher in order that the latter might communicate its contents to those who were to be thus decorated in the name of Her Majesty.


The root-idea in Champlain's mind, when he conceived the design of founding a New France beyond the Atlantic, was to make the natives of the country Frenchmen. The permeation of the country with French religion and civilization was the object he set before him. His letter to the King, dedicating to His Majesty the third volume of his voyages, explains his point of view. In speaking of the powers given to him he says: “ This is an occasion for enhancing the desire we have long cherished of sending groups and colonies over there, to instruct the people in the knowledge of God, and inform them of the glory and triumphs of Your Majesty, so that, with the French language, they may be also possessed of a French heart and spirit, which, after the fear of God, will breathe nothing so ardently as the desire to serve you.” 1 These words were largely a paraphrase of the injunctions given to Champlain in his commission as Commandant in New France which was issued on October 15, 1612.
How he proceeded in giving effect to this part of his Commission, he relates in the same volume.2 He approached the Provincial of the Recollet Fathers, who manifested warm sympathy with his proposals, and discussed them with the cardinals and bishops of France, who happened to be in Paris attending the sittings of the States General then in session. These dignitaries were equally zealous in their desire to see efforts made to christianize the Indians of Canada, and set on foot a subscription to defray the necessary expenses of the undertaking. Success in this regard having been assured, the King issued letters patent giving to the Recollet Fathers the sole right to establish missions in Canada, and these were confirmed by the papal nuncio under directions of the pope. Finally, the merchants composing the company controlling the trade to Canada, agreed to feed, support, and carry free every year, to the number of six, the Recollet Fathers who might be chosen to carry on the missions among the Indians of New France.
The preliminaries having been thus satisfactorily settled four Recollet fathers sailed for Quebec, reaching the infant settlement in the beginning of June 1615. After a slight survey of the field, the priests held conferences at Quebec, in which with the approval of the Governor, they divided the territory between them. The first year was occupied in studying the temper, disposition and habits of the Indians with reference to their amenability to the teachings of the Church. A post was opened at Tadoussac, the point of assemblage of the Labrador Indians in their dealings with European traders,


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